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Cambodia-Thailand: best of time for now


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REGIONAL PERSPECTIVE
Cambodia-Thailand: best of time for now

Kavi Chongkittavorn
The Nation

BANGKOK: -- Since 1950 when the two nations established diplomatic ties, relations between Thailand and Cambodia in the past 65 years have often been described as endless roller coaster rides. However, today the ride has become smoother

After much turbulent from the previous election in 2013, Hun Sen is still consolidating his political power bases. At this juncture, the mercurial leader realized full well when the country is facing with serious dual challenges - economic slowdown and export reduction coupling with growing domestic pressure for broader political reforms, it is better to have more friends than enemies both at home and abroad.

Recently there was yet another spat between Hun Sen and Sam Rainsy, leader of opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party. Sam was slapped with an arrest warrant by a local court during his oversea trip. He is not coming for now. According to Phnom Penh based diplomats, currently there have been efforts to bridge the two leaders' differences once again. In the case of Thailand, Hun Sen wants to deal directly with his Thai colleague, Gen Prayut Chan-Ocha, without any proxy, to pursue peace and stability of their often troubled relations.

At the end of Hun Sen's visit, Prayut hailed the bilateral ties as "the best" since diplomatic establishment. In return, Hun Sen would pen a song to commemorate this special occasion when the bridge linking Nong Ian in Sa Kaew with Strung Bot in Banteay Meancheay is in operation.

Over the past three decades, Hun Sen's leadership style - Machiavellian and intuitive in nature - has generated some big hopes and deep anxieties concerning the country's future pathway. The most often asked question still remains: what kind of legacy he would like to leave behind in his country and the region at large? Obviously, only Hun Sen has the answer.

Unlike other Asean leaders, Hun Sen is acutely aware of his success and shortcomings resulting from his political longevity - he has outlasted all the Asean leaders, except Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah of Brunei Darussalam. He has encountered with at least 14 Thai prime ministers under his premiership. Although he repeatedly stated that he would remain in power for one or two more decades, in reality he is quietly preparing for a transition of power to younger generation of leaders.

After he leaves politics, he has to escertain his roles and contributions to Cambodia's stability and prosperity are properly recognised and recorded in the country's annals. His honorary title, Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo (Lord Prime Minister, Supreme Military Commander) has shore up his leadership aura more than other leaders such Heng Samrin and Chea Sim.

Prior to the dramatic political transformation in Myanmar after last month's successful election, Cambodia used to occupy the central stage of the Asean schemes of things from 2000 to 2013, swaying the grouping's diplomacy and emphasis on key issues such as bridging development gap, South China Sea. In addition, Hun Sen knows Asean by the back of his hand and has never failed to engage with Asean intensely.

During the past five years, he has been highlighting his efforts to promote high economic growth in the country of 14.8 million people, which suffered greatly from the 13-year civil war. Throughout the past 20 years after the conclusion of the Paris peace accord in 1991, Hun Sen has perceived himself as the father of new Cambodia, reigning the country with impressive economic growth with an average of 7.5 per cent annually, one of the best in the region.

But without continuing upswing, his leadership would be tarnished amid growing demands from the younger generation, which made up nearly 68 per cent of the population, for more openness and opportunities, posing serious threats to his government. After 2000, Hun Sen made a conscious decision to woo China, trusting that Beijing's investment and growing economic clout would continue to fuel Cambodia's economic growth, which used to rely on consortium of Western assistance with stringent conditions. Under his helm, the Cambodia-China ties have gone from strength to strength.

For this trip, three issues are high on Hun Sen's agenda. First, it is all about the Khmer workers and their living condition. So far, Cambodia has been happy with the improving working environment followed series of bad press against Thailand's practice on slave labor especially in the fishing industry. A total of 22,764 Cambodians working on thousands of Thai fishing trawlers have been registered and their welfares taken care of. Both countries have also agreed on programs to improve Khmer workers' skills and other know-hows.

Now with nearly 800,000 Cambodians working in Thailand—registered workers totaled 439,087 as of April--Phnom Penh wants to ensure that in the future more would be welcome. Bangkok has offered to begin a government to government contract for Cambodian workers to cut off brokers, who benefitted handsomely from workers' personal saving. Thailand also puts a reign on the estimated 3,538 workers who cross the Thai border on daily basis using border pass.

Second, the two countries want to increase investment and trade. Thailand also wants to help Cambodia to integrate further with the Asean Community, which will be officially established on 31 December. Within the next five years, they hope the current trade figure would be triple to US$15 billion and Thailand's investment is up from the current 8th place.

To attain such goal, they have to sign an agreement on avoidance of double-taxation as well as making the Single Window Policy more efficient with better connectivity overland and railway. By the first quarter of next year the rail link between Bangkok and Phnom Penh is expected to be completed to boost people-to-people exchanges.

Finally, it has to do with the common security of 798-kilometre long border, which is peaceful with gradual reductions of troops from both sides. For the first time the Thai and Cambodian soldiers are talking about coordinating plan to patrol their porous order, especially in areas with thick jungle imbued with valuable rose wood known as "mai payung", which of late has been cut down in great numbers by illegal loggers.

Of late, some good news--transnational crimes such as human trafficking, drug smuggling and other illegal activities have been frequently intercepted and cracked down due to better law enforcement, intelligence exchanges and increase bilateral consultations. Currently, both side have 10- bilateral mechanisms to discuss the whole gamut of cross-border challenges. It is hopeful these new foundations would be sustainable in the decision-making process on bilateral matters. Otherwise, every time there is a changing government over here, similar efforts have to begin anew all over again.

Source: http://www.nationmultimedia.com/opinion/Cambodia-Thailand-best-of-time-for-now-30275311.html

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-- The Nation 2015-12-21

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“…patrol their porous order”.

The article by Kavi Chongkittavorn only serves to highlight the problems facing Thailand as it struggles to master the English language.

Regardless of the intended meaning of its confused content, when an experienced journalist (who has spent time at both Oxford and Harvard) can produce such a poorly written article as this one, then what hope do less-fortunate Thais have with English?

Also, does The Nation have any proof readers?

As an interesting aside, we are told that nearly 800,000 Cambodians are now working in Thailand. To borrow an observation from the late New Zealand Prime Minister, Rob Muldoon (when asked about the increasing exodus of New Zealanders leaving the country to work in Australia in the 1980’s), “… by doing so, they are raising the average IQ of both countries”.

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