Russia is heading into a parliamentary election that many voters believe will change almost nothing. Yet for those unhappy with Vladimir Putin's government, the vote offers a rare chance to send a message — even if that means spoiling their ballots.

From Friday to Sunday, Russia will hold its first State Duma elections since the invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The Kremlin is working to ensure Putin's United Russia party retains its parliamentary majority by banning opposition parties and using other methods to influence the vote count.

For some ordinary Russians, however, the ballot remains a way to express their anger.

Arkady*, an 80-year-old from Yekaterinburg, has not read United Russia's manifesto and does not plan to. "I have lived under Stalin, another despot, but today we live in uniquely amoral times," he told The i Paper, adding: "It feels like I live behind enemy lines."

Despite his contempt for the election, Arkady and his wife still plan to vote because they always have. "I despise this circus. We will probably spoil the ballot," he said. "We still have values and we do care, even if the government does not give a damn about us."

A few hours' drive away, Vera* and her husband Misha are also preparing to vote from their countryside home. "We will vote because it is our duty," Vera said, explaining that they had not decided whether to spoil their ballots or vote tactically against United Russia.

"I have no desire to vote for the Communist Party, but we have to do something," she added. United Russia is campaigning on prosperity, greatness and national security, with the opening of its manifesto declaring: "To achieve this, we must win!"

But the war is increasingly cutting through that message. Ukrainian drone strikes have reached deep inside Russia, destroying e-commerce warehouses and oil facilities and causing economic pain.

Drivers now face waits of hours to get petrol, while rumours of forced mobilisation after the election are fuelling anxiety. For Vera and Misha, both in their late forties, the response has been "inner immigration" — spending weekends at their dacha, using their homemade sauna and tending their garden away from the war.

Vera does not support Putin, but she is also sceptical of opposition figures living abroad. Asked about Yulia Navalnaya, Ilya Yashin and Vladimir Kara-Murza, she said: "They cannot do anything for us."

She also stopped following political scientist Ekaterina Schulmann, who now lives in Berlin. "What is the point?" Vera asked.

Navalnaya, the widow of Alexei Navalny, now lives in exile and uses Instagram to publish letters from people still in Russia. One woman working at a preschool said her supervisor ordered employees to photograph their completed voting forms.

Another woman said she had started working at a mayor's office where employees had to register on United Russia's website, choose the candidate they would vote for in September and persuade at least one friend or family member to support the party.

Political analyst Fyodor Krasheninnikov says Putin's government has done everything possible to stack the vote in its favour. He says the government relies on state-sector employees, including teachers and doctors, to ensure United Russia gets the votes.

The timing of the elections has also changed. Parliamentary elections were traditionally held in December but moved to September in 2016, with Krasheninnikov saying the change was intended to dampen turnout as many people head to the countryside during better weather.

Turnout fell to around 47.8 per cent in 2016 from 60.2 per cent in 2011, although other factors may have contributed.

Krasheninnikov says the coming election is effectively "nothing more than a ritual", with the Kremlin expected to "go through the motions and confirm United Russia's majority".

That expectation has left some voters focused on more immediate problems. Kostya*, who works in Yekaterinburg, said the election was among his least concerns after spending five hours waiting for petrol.

"And guess what – Putin was scheduled to visit the city and suddenly petrol gets delivered – no more queues!" he told The i Paper.

For Vitaly*, who recently became a grandfather, the treatment of Yabloko further reinforced his doubts. The party, described in the article as the only one campaigning against the war, was barred from the election after prosecutors accused it of copyright infringement and other crimes and the Supreme Court found it guilty.

Lev Shlosberg, Russian opposition politician, in the court building

Supporters who gathered outside the court were later arrested for holding an "unauthorised rally". At least two activists, Daria Bunkova and Nabi Balabekov, spent a fortnight in a detention centre before fleeing the country.

"I'm surprised they were allowed to stand in the first place," Vitaly said. He has not decided whether he will vote, asking: "Ultimately, what is the point?"

Back at her dacha, Vera offered a bleak summary of the mood she sees around her. "No one talks about elections – the case is closed."

*Some names have been changed or only first names used

What Russians really think about Putin’s sham election

There is no point in holding the election as the result is a foregone conclusion.

Not necessarily because it's what the majority of the people wants might be better off having another revolution.

Of course, our Russia propagandists will claim that the election is free and fair! 😂