Cleaning lady

[webfact]

Junta going ahead with peace process it helped undermine
Don Pathan
Special to The Nation

BANGKOK: -- Having fought against the talks under the Yingluck govt, its military-backed successor is now forging ahead with a flawed bid to end the southern insurgency

Wan Kadir Che Man, former leader of the now-defunct Bersatu, an umbrella organisation that emerged in the 1980s to unite the longstanding Patani Malay separatist organisations, has voiced criticism of the ongoing peace initiative in the far South.

His attack came just days after MARA Patani, a new forum comprised of six longstanding separatist organisations, had introduced itself to the public following a third round of informal talks with Thai negotiators led by the junta-appointed General Aksara Kherdphol.

Wan Kadir said the Bangkok government should not pin its hopes on MARA Patani as the forum does not represent all the groups involved in the southern unrest, particularly those with command-and-control over the insurgent combatants.

He told a gathering at the King Prajadhipok Institute on Friday that he personally knew at least six of the 15 MARA Patani members and that he was dismissive of their claims.

He also poured cold water on Malaysia's role as talks facilitator, noting that initiatives involving Kuala Lumpur come and go but nothing seems to change.

But the thing about this latest initiative - launched by the Yingluck government and picked up by the current crop of junta leaders - is that the media and the public will be regularly engaged.

Civil society organisations working on peace for the South think that's a good idea and that the process be as transparent as possible.

Others think the public should be kept out until the state is certain beyond any doubt that the people they are dealing with have the ability to influence the combatants and can deliver on whatever goods and promises are made at the table. The official terms of reference for talks must also be agreed upon before negotiations can proceed.

The criticism launched by Wan Kadir on Friday came as no surprise since it was in line with what he has been saying all along. But worth closer scrutiny is the story of how this exiled leader emerged into the Thai public spotlight. It helps shed light on the feeble and sometimes appalling attitude of Thai governments and authorities towards peace and peace initiatives for the deep South.

After living in exile for more than five decades, Wan Kadir was permitted by the Thai Army to return to Thailand on a secret trip in January 2013.

The military was against the peace initiative being put together by Yingluck's team but knew it couldn't publicly criticise the leader of the nation. So that's where Wan Kadir came in.

Wan Kadir had announced back in 2004 his desire to return to Thailand to work from within to resolve a fresh wave of conflict involving a new generation of fighters that had surfaced a couple of years earlier.

At first, then-premier Thaksin Shinawatra was reluctant, fearing his return would upset his security advisors, including General Chavalit Yongchaiyud, who was at the time on a quirky ambition to "destroy" Bersatu, even though the group was already defunct.

One of Wan Kadir's main supporters at the time was then-Fourth Army commander Lt-General Pisarn Wattanawongkiri.

Pisarn's idea was to use Wan Kadir as his personal consultant and establish an understanding with the new generation of combatants that would at least cover rules of engagement.

His interest was understandable, coming in the wake of a disturbing April 28, 2004 incident in which more than 100 militants - apparently inspired by notions of invincibility conferred by local superstitions - charged against 10 police outposts and a station armed with little more than machetes.

And although Thaksin remained implacable, Wan Kadir continued with hush-hush lobbying for permission to return to his birthplace.

Later that year, his main supporter, Lt General Pisarn, was ousted from his post in the aftermath of the Tak Bai massacre. But that wasn't the reason why Wan Kadir gave up on his secret lobbying. According to several sources, separatist leaders - most likely operatives from the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN) - told him that he "would not last more than 10 days" if he returned to Thailand.

BRN cadres said his return at that time would undermine the separatist community's effort to attain support from international actors - state and non-state.

But in January 2013, Wan Kadir was finally permitted to return for a secret visit to several cities, including Phuket, Bangkok and Chiang Mai, where he was received by senior state officials.

His first public appearance in Thailand came later that year in November, when in a speech at the Thai Journalists Association he criticised the Yingluck government's peace process. Bangkok-based diplomatic corps were eager to meet with him, but his hosts, the Royal Thai Police, kept them at arm's length.

Wan Kadir was invited back again the following month, when he tore the credibility of the peace talks' stakeholders to shreds during a speech at the Prince of Songkhla University in Pattani.

The Thai Army was gratified - not because it was being criticised for lacking commitment and sincerity towards the peace initiative but over the fact that the initiative was being attacked in public.

Coup brings moment of truth

The Army didn't like the idea that civilians were dominating a public process which they believed was their exclusive right to run behind closed doors.

However, it didn't take long for Yingluck's initiative to fall apart, a victim not of Wan Kadir's criticism but of its shaky foundations laid by former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, Yingluck's brother, one year before the official launch on February 28, 2013.

And then came the May 2014 coup and the moment of truth for the Thai Army. Failure to continue with the peace effort initiated by the government it had ousted would be a bad political move. But going along with it would mean climbing down from its previous stance.

In the end, the Army opted to continue the process, but junta chief General Prayut Chan-o-cha added demands of his own. Looking tough and in control was important to him.

The demands were that various separatist organisations must unite under a common platform and that there must be a period of peace - ie, a ceasefire - before a formal process could start.

The common platform came in the form of MARA Patani, launched about two weeks ago. They have presented themselves as men who are willing to negotiate a political settlement, leaving it to Bangkok to find ways of moving the initiative forward.

As for the "ceasefire", nobody has brought it up - at least not in public.

Finally came the re-emergence of Wan Kadir on Friday. By attacking the current initiative, he is also discrediting this latest crop of junta officials and their decision to continue with an initiative they had previously opposed.

In a recent interview in Pattani, Wan Kadir said the government should reconsider the peace initiative and switch to using a local interlocutor as the go-between. He recommended a bottom-up approach that starts with the combatants and works its way up to their leaders, who may or may not be living in exile.

The Army appears to have dug its own grave on this matter. If the Thai military and the Yingluck government had begun with a common understanding of how the peace process should be conducted, perhaps we wouldn't be in this predicament.

But instead, Thai institutions - political and military - prioritised their respective political agendas over the well-being of the nation and national security.

Sadly, everyone was out to protect their own turf, with little consideration of the problems at hand or the consequences of their actions. And from the look of it, the Thai Army is now getting a taste of its own medicine.

Don Pathan is a security analyst and a freelance consultant based in Yala. He is also the founding member of the Patani Forum (www.pataniforum.com).

Source: http://www.nationmultimedia.com/opinion/Junta-going-ahead-with-peace-process-it-helped-und-30268419.html


-- The Nation 2015-09-09

[BSJ]

What a waste of time. The army needs to get tough on the criminals that kill people, not invite them to tea and biscuits.

[simple1]

What a waste of time. The army needs to get tough on the criminals that kill people, not invite them to tea and biscuits.

To build a pathway to peace usually requires a degree of compromise / pragmatism by both sides. However, if you're of the opinion violent players must be held accountable, you should also support trust building measures by bringing to justice those within the security forces that have tortured / carried out extrajudicial killings.

Edited September 8, 2015 by simple1

[nakhonandy]

What a waste of time. The army needs to get tough on the criminals that kill people, not invite them to tea and biscuits.

That method was used in Northern Ireland for a long time and didn't work.

It was only through discussions that things actually changed.

Both sides need to compromise.

[Jon Wetherall]

What a waste of time. The army needs to get tough on the criminals that kill people, not invite them to tea and biscuits.

Nah, the army only 'invites' people for meetings or coffee if they don't have guns and might actually kill them.

[Shawn0001]

What a waste of time. The army needs to get tough on the criminals that kill people, not invite them to tea and biscuits.

But, if they did they might move their bombing campaign north.

[Srikcir]

"Thai institutions - political and military - prioritised their respective political agendas over the well-being of the nation and national security."

Therein is the basic problem in the governance of Thailand.

The political institution existed through election by the majority based on a publicized political agenda and given authority to negotiate on behalf of the nation. On the other hand the military institution has independent freedom to pursue its own political agenda in secret contrary to the majority mandate.

With the military now as Head of Government, there is no moderating influence from the political institution to provide a more pragmatic and circumspective peace settlement. Prayut views the well-being of the nation and national in very narrow terms of State soveriegnty, Thai culture, loyalty to the King, and Buddhism. The only concession he is willing to make is seemingly an unconditional surrender of the insurgents preceding any negotiations, followed by complete absorption into the Thai Buddhist society.

All the insurgent leaders are facing an impossible negotiation. WIth no elected government now planned until mid-2017 the insurgents might as well disengage from the peace process. It looks like Malaysia already has.