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Thai Talk: New political chapter promises more shadowy manipulation


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THAI TALK

New political chapter promises more shadowy manipulation

Suthichai Yoon
The Nation 

 

BANGKOK: -- Consider the following news tidbits and determine for yourself whether they are related one way or the other - and how they contribute to the so-called political “Road Map to Democracy”:

 

A member of the Election Commission said the next general election could be held on December 10, 2017. His statement was immediately downplayed by his direct boss at the EC and a very senior member of the government, who responded by saying: That's a personal opinion. No date has been set for the Big Day. 

That raised a new question: Will the general election be held, as promised, by the end of 2017? Or will the date be postponed until 2018?

If you put that question to the prime minister (no one has done that so far), the most likely answer is … you guessed it: We will follow the road map. Nothing has changed.

The second story: Some members of the National Legislative Assembly have suggested that the 250 Senators, who will more or less be handpicked by the powers-that-be, should be allowed to nominate the person they deem most appropriate to be the next prime minister after the general election.

A heated debate ensued, naturally. Those who oppose the idea pointed out that the second question in the referendum that was passed by a majority vote only permits senators to vote for or against a prime ministerial nominee. The "yes" vote didn't in any way open the way for the appointed lawmakers to name their own man or woman as a candidate for the next prime minister.

Those who favour the proposition countered that a "loose" interpretation of the mandate would allow all members of Parliament, be they elected or selected, to propose their own nominees for the top political post. Their argument was: By giving senators "a say" in the process, referendum voters were obviously indicating that the senators' "say" should include both uttering their choice and raising their hands for or against.

For a while, it appeared that a confrontation was looming between a group of NLA members and some members of the Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC). Reporters trying to prise open Premier Prayut Chan-o-cha's thinking on this controversy failed to lure him into offering a comment.

After a few days of fierce public verbal exchange, it fell to CDC chairman Meechai Ruchupan to come up with his official position: No, the senators wouldn't be able to nominate their candidate for the next PM. They could only vote for or against the nominees proposed by the elected members of the House of Representatives.

This might be called the "strict" interpretation of the issue. Nobody should be surprised, however, if things take a different turn in the next few weeks, and some bright legal minds decide to ask the Constitution Court to hand down an official interpretation of the wording of the second question of the referendum. In other words, what does it mean when the majority of the voters gave the green light for the senators to "take part in the process of selecting the next prime minister".

Then came the third story, the juiciest of them all before the close of the week: General Prayut, without a blink, told reporters that he would be "willing to serve, even without pay", after the election. But, he was quick to add, he would only agree to lead the next post-election government if a "graceful" method could be found to make that happen.

That statement came only about a week after reporters had asked the premier about a new political party trying to recruit him as the next government's leader. He responded: "Let them go find other more qualified people. If that fails, then come to me."

What, then, is the "graceful, democratic way?" He admitted he didn't have an answer to that question. Obviously, he suggested, it would have to be democratic and acceptable to the public.

But the premier didn't just make that statement out of the blue. He was addressing an awards ceremony at Government House for organisations with excellent fiscal management. At one point, without prompting, he admitted that he had come to power through "improper means" and would step down in accordance with the road map that had been set.

"Nobody invited me here, so they have no right to show me the door. I am not going now. I will go at the time stated in the schedule," he said, adding that the country had to return to the democratic path.

Of course, the PM had earlier insisted he wasn't interested in "clinging to power". He had also distanced himself from a move to set up a political party, initially known as the "People's Reform Party", to be headed by Paiboon Nititawan, who had made no secret of his intention to nominate Prayut as the prime minister after the election.

Consider these facts: The new constitution doesn't exclude an "outsider" or a non-MP from being nominated for the post of prime minister. The current PM hasn't excluded himself from "serving" after the election. The 250 members of the new Senate will most probably be handpicked by those in power today. Where their political loyalty lies may not be too hard to guess. And if they have a "say" in deciding who the next PM will be, the parliamentary actions of the two main political parties and a few medium-sized groupings will decide just how "democratic" the whole process is.

The three episodes may not sound like they are related in any way. But there is no isolated story in politics, especially when the game of power moves onto the next chapter.

 

Source: http://www.nationmultimedia.com/opinion/New-political-chapter-promises-more-shadowy-manipu-30294192.html

 
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-- © Copyright The Nation 2016-09-01
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2 hours ago, candide said:

Anyone surprised? 

Quite. It was a stitch-up from day 1 and given two thumbs up at the referendum, or at least that is the way the junta will view it. Now the Thai people will just have to live with it.

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