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The Rising Tide of Far-Right Politics in Eastern Germany is Not Over Yet


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The rise of far-right politics in eastern Germany shows no signs of slowing down. Ingolf, a former conservative voter in the tiny village of Jämlitz near the Polish border, expresses a sentiment shared by many: “If the old parties had done their jobs properly, then the AfD would not exist.” This reflects a sense of disillusionment among eastern Germans, or “Ossis,” who feel looked down upon by the rest of the country. 

 

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The far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) recently won the most votes in regional elections in Thuringia and is predicted to do the same in Brandenburg’s upcoming election. In Jämlitz and neighboring Klein Düben, support for the AfD has surged, reflecting broader political unrest. Ingolf, who recalls better educational standards during the days of the German Democratic Republic, is frustrated with Germany’s stagnant economy and rising immigration, comparing recent far-right riots in England to “civil war-like conditions”—a narrative fueling fears of potential clashes in Germany’s multicultural communities. “That’s not what we want here in Germany,” he adds, reflecting the general unease in his quiet village.

 

Support for the AfD extends beyond domestic issues. The party’s stance on Ukraine, particularly its call to stop sending weapons to Kyiv, has resonated with many in the east. Yvonne, another local resident, criticizes the financial aid being sent abroad, saying, “This is our tax money that is sent abroad. We have enough things to fix in our own country.” She is also considering supporting the new Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW), another anti-establishment party that opposes arms supplies to Ukraine. While Wagenknecht’s “left-wing conservatism” has propelled her party into the spotlight, critics argue that it represents yet another populist, pro-Putin movement undermining key aspects of German foreign policy.

 

Yvonne’s hesitation to take a firm stance on the Ukraine war illustrates a broader regional ambivalence, particularly among older generations who grew up learning Russian during the GDR years. For them, pacifism remains a deeply ingrained value, especially given Germany’s history with two World Wars. Yvonne expresses concerns about potential escalation: “Poland is not big, and we are then the first ones to go when the tanks come across.” In local elections, 57.5% of voters in Jämlitz backed the AfD, while across the wider district, support was also unusually high at 43.7%. 

 

The appeal of the AfD in eastern Germany persists despite the party being officially classified as right-wing extremist in three states. In Thuringia, the AfD recently secured 36% of the vote among those under 30, underscoring its growing influence among younger voters. Despite being viewed as a far-right extremist group, its supporters vehemently reject this label. 

 

When visiting a local lake that has been transformed from an open-cast coal mine, most people were reluctant to discuss politics, highlighting the sensitive nature of these conversations in the area. Katrin, a local resident who disapproves of the AfD, sums up the confusion surrounding the party’s popularity: “Half the people here didn’t vote for the AfD,” she reminds us. She finds it difficult to comprehend why so many of her neighbors are drawn to far-right ideology, despite relatively stable living conditions. “Life is actually good for people in the community,” she says, attributing the AfD’s rise to a misguided “grass-is-greener” mentality.

 

Mainstream parties, including those in Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s coalition, are struggling to understand or effectively respond to the success of the AfD and BSW, which are polling at 18% and 8% nationally, respectively. As these fringe movements gain traction, the traditional, consensus-driven nature of German politics is increasingly under threat.

 

Credit: BBC 2024-09-09

 

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