Nsc Blueprint For Peace In Deep South Has Some Merits

[Lite Beer]

EDITORIAL

NSC blueprint for peace in deep South has some merits

The Nation

BANGKOK:-- Proposal for a 'safe zone' where people can talk frankly should be pursued

The National Security Council (NSC) has proposed a blueprint for peace, something they have been working on for some time with help and contributions from civil-society groups, including representatives from the Malay-speaking South.

The policy will be put to the Cabinet on February 22 for approval. The blueprint was designed to serve as a guideline for government agencies, including the Southern Border Provinces Administrative Centre (SBPAC) and the military-led Internal Security Operation Command (Isoc).

According to NSC secretary-general Wichean Potephosree, the policy emphasised "peaceful solutions" to the ongoing insurgency in the Muslim-majority southernmost provinces.

Perhaps the most interesting stipulation has to do with the suggestion that a "safe area" be created to allow people with different views from that of the state to voice their opinions and frustration. In other words, an area where militants, or people who are one step removed from the insurgents, can speak to authorities without fear of retribution.

It's a far cry from negotiations that the world sees in a conflict area like Mindanao, or what occurred in Aceh in Indonesia, but it is a good starting point at least. Such an idea is long overdue and it is never too late, because the violence in the deep South continues unabated with no end in sight.

Back in the 1980s, there was a dialogue between Army personnel and representatives of the Patani Malay separatist movements. These talks were carried out in various Middle East capitals, such as Cairo and Damascus, but they were treated as mainly intelligence and information gathering. This explained why these secret initiatives had no impact on policy or policy recommendations.

Today, one positive development is that more and more people - from the lawmakers to civil society, local and foreign - are talking about a peace process and dialogue. Many Thai authorities, such as the NSC, see the need and benefit from such ideas. But the military are still dragging their feet on this very notion in spite of the fact it was they who were talking to people classed as "the enemy" in the 1980s.

Perhaps the issue has to do more with ownership. After all, the current crop of generals is just as stubborn as previous generations when it comes to the idea of taking orders from civilians.

Some members of civil society, especially those from the deep South, said the challenge would be in the implementation.

A safe zone for frank discussion is a good thing but who at this point in time trusts the authorities, especially the military, to be open-minded enough to listen to the Malays' historical grievances? Many Buddhist generals have accused Muslim militants of embracing false teachings of Islam and a distorted version of Thai history. That way they don't have to discuss the legitimacy of the Thai state in a homeland with a Malay history.

Besides the safe area, the government will have to reassess the special administrative structure for the deep South and ask whether the current structure - SBPAC, and locally elected Tambon Administration Organisations (TAO) - is adequate. For example, no one really believes the advisory council of the SBPAC truly represents the needs and desires of local residents.

Aside from structural reform and decentralisation, the government and the military will have to discuss the issue of accountability and rules of engagement - the very thing that continues to feed into the culture of impunity among security officials in the region. The recent shooting incident in Nong Chik that resulted in the death of four villagers suggests that the confrontation was more one-sided than the gunfight the army has argued occurred.

Officials often talk about the need to lift the social standing of people in the deep South, especially the local Malay Muslims. But equality, as well as justice, continues to be overlooked. From the perspective of the local Muslims, the three southernmost provinces are more like an occupied territory.

-- The Nation 2012-02-12