The vision thing: The opposition does not know what to do except obstruct

Another normal day in Phnom Penh

A YEAR after a general election which the opposition said was stolen, the stand-off continues. On July 15th protests turned violent when demonstrators against the government of Cambodia’s strongman, Hun Sen, attacked security forces. Three leaders from the opposition Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) were arrested and denied bail. They face charges of insurrection.

With some justification, the CNRP claims the election was rigged and that it was denied victory—hence its boycott of Parliament. Yet international pressure is mounting for the opposition to end the boycott amid dwindling support for its political tactics. Its rowdy street protests have left at least seven dead, but achieved little. Even the UN’s human-rights envoy, Surya Subedi, an ardent critic of the government, is urging the CNRP, 55 of whose lawmakers were elected to the 123-seat National Assembly, to be “reasonable and realistic” when negotiating with Mr Hun Sen.

Opposition leaders have softened their demands. They have hinted that they will no longer insist on a fresh election, though they want the independence of the election commission to be set in stone. Meanwhile, the government has agreed to allow the opposition to operate a television channel. It has also offered the opposition the chairmanship or vice-chairmanship of some government committees. Yet many in the CNRP are more comfortable as political activists grabbing headlines than as an effective opposition. Activism is, after all, their background in a country run for decades by Mr Hun Sen and his cronies.

And in truth, the government can get along fine without the opposition. Business confidence does not appear to have suffered. A Japanese retailer, Aeon, has opened Cambodia’s first Western-style mall. Rolls-Royce Motors has set up shop, in partnership with a local businessman. Burger King and KFC do a roaring trade in fast food.

Lacking any opposition, the government has pushed through a series of new laws governing the judiciary, trade, diplomatic relations, transport and budgets. Without the scrutiny of an opposition, parliament has rubber-stamped them all. That is one reason for ordinary Cambodians to desire the CNRP to take up its seats. Of particular concern are draconian draft laws censoring cyberspace—including political satire.

One reason the protests continue may be because they usefully conceal disunity within the opposition. The CNRP lacks a cohesive set of policies in part because it has no policymaking body. As for its best-known leader, Sam Rainsy, with rare experience of governing, he likes to flit about Europe—Paris especially. The CNRP plans its first party conference at the end of July. It will be a test of whether it has any ideas other than taking to the streets.