Knew it! My Gaydar remains undefeated! AI on hirtlifters and their tendencies towards nonsence posey virtue signalling type opinions: LGBT individuals (especially in the US and West) disproportionately support left/progressive causes, including what critics call "Cultural Marxism." Polls consistently show ~80%+ leaning Democrat/liberal. pewresearch.org Empirical patterns Pew (2024): Gay/bisexual men ~83% Democrat/lean; lesbians similar. Straight men tilt GOP. pewresearch.org Gallup, Williams Institute, CCES: LGBT ~50-65% Democrat vs. general population; ~2x as liberal; only 12-21% conservative/Republican. news.gallup.com Exit polls: 64-86% Democrat presidential vote. Stronger among younger/urban. en.wikipedia.org This extends beyond gay rights to economics, race, immigration, gender, speech norms. There is real ideological clustering, not universal—LGBT conservatives exist (Log Cabin Republicans, older/religious/White subgroups), and views aren't monolithic. en.wikipedia.org Core reasons (interest, history, selection) Group interest and threat perception: Post-1960s, mainstream right/conservative institutions (churches, traditional families, GOP platforms) opposed decriminalization of sodomy, military service (Don't Ask Don't Tell), marriage (DOMA), adoption, and later gender policies. Democrats aligned earlier with civil rights framing. Progressive coalitions frame opposition as existential ("erasure," discrimination). Data shows higher reported stigma avoidance and mental health links to policy debates among LGBT. americanprogress.org This creates loyalty to the side perceived as protective, even as legal equality advanced (Obergefell 2015 onward). Historical origins: Gay liberation (post-Stonewall 1969) emerged from New Left/counterculture, not classical liberalism. Groups like Gay Liberation Front mixed Marxism, feminism, anti-capitalism ("Gay liberation is impossible without socialist revolution"). Early Mattachine Society had communist ties; European socialist parties (SPD) backed Hirschfeld's efforts pre-WWII. Frankfurt School critical theory (Marcuse et al.) and later queer theory (Foucault, Butler) reframed sexuality as power/oppression construct, deconstructing "heteronormativity" alongside family, capitalism, patriarchy. marxists.org +1 Oppressor/oppressed lens fit identity over class. Personality, urban, subculture, and selection effects: Open homosexuality correlates with openness to experience (Big Five personality), novelty-seeking, lower disgust sensitivity—traits predicting leftism on social issues. Urban concentration (creative cities, academia, media) where progressive norms dominate. Subculture reinforcement: Media, academia, NGOs amplify identity politics. Dissent (e.g., "not all gays think X") risks ostracism. Bidirectional: Liberal environments may increase identification/coming out (polls show higher LGBT % among young liberals: 20-30%+ vs. conservatives). miwi-institut.de Ideological fit: "Cultural Marxism" (pejorative for Frankfurt School critical theory → postmodernism → intersectionality) reframes society via multiple identities (race, gender, sexuality) as power struggles, prioritizing liberation from "norms." This maps to rejecting traditional sexual/family structures that marginalized same-sex attraction. Classical Marxism focused on class/economics and was often hostile to homosexuality (Stalinist USSR, China); the cultural shift was adaptation after proletarian revolution failed in the West. Critics (e.g., Lind) saw Marcuse's "polymorphous perversity" and coalitions (Blacks, feminists, gays) as explicit. Defenders call this conspiracy; the influence on humanities is documented. en.wikipedia.org The pattern is real and persistent. It's driven by perceived self-defense, subcultural capture, and alignment with anti-traditionalist frameworks that gained traction in post-1960s institutions.
.thumb.jpg.2e7182ea6c595e457e700fe3a3766fa3.jpg)
