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The Missed Opportunity to Truly Level Up Britain

 

Nearly four years have passed since the Sewell report, officially known as the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities report, was published. The goal was never to produce another repetitive and uninspired study claiming Britain was steeped in racism. Instead, it aimed to investigate racial disparities and, more importantly, the root causes behind them. The backdrop to this was the wave of unrest that followed the murder of George Floyd in the United States.

 

The commission, composed mostly of Black and Asian members alongside one white commissioner, Martyn Oliver—now head of Ofsted—examined education, crime, policing, health, and employment using data from the Office for National Statistics and the Race Disparity Unit, established by Theresa May. Fresh research from Oxford University was also commissioned to explore educational disparities.

 

Given how deeply personal and emotionally charged discussions about race are, the commission acknowledged people's lived experiences but focused on what the numbers revealed. The conclusions were explosive, upsetting figures on the left, The Guardian, and even some within the Conservative Party. The report made three main points: racism still exists, race relations have improved significantly over the past 50 years, and the primary drivers of racial disparities are class and geography rather than race itself.

 

 

However, the real controversy stemmed from one uncomfortable truth: the data showed that white low-income communities were experiencing some of the worst outcomes across various metrics. No previous study had confronted this reality so directly, making the report a lightning rod for criticism.

 

The reaction to the report exposed several weaknesses within the government. Instead of embracing its findings as a foundation for change, officials and activist groups sought to undermine it. Critics, including universities and unions, pushed back against the notion that Black and Asian communities had agency over their own progress, falsely accusing the report of dismissing institutional racism altogether.

 

The findings, however, painted a different picture. Ethnic minorities were excelling in education, with Nigerian-origin students progressing the fastest. The reason was clear: stable family structures played a crucial role. Among Caribbean students in the same classrooms, around 67% came from single-parent households, whereas for Indian students, the figure was just 6%. This disparity had little to do with teacher bias and everything to do with family dynamics.

 

Similarly, the report found that white low-income males had the lowest life expectancy in Britain, while African-origin women had the highest. So much for the notion of white privilege. The most challenging places to live and raise children were in predominantly white towns across the north, Midlands, and south coast.

 

Predictably, these conclusions did not align with the narratives promoted by certain activist circles, and as a result, the report has had little impact. However, attitudes have started to shift. Some early critics, such as historian David Olusoga and commentator Ash Sarkar, might be more receptive to its findings today. Sarkar, for instance, has distanced herself from identity politics, acknowledging that it does little to drive material change. Even some Labour peers in the House of Lords have privately admitted that the report was full of common sense—though they would never say so publicly.

 

In hindsight, the report should have served as the blueprint for the government's levelling-up strategy. Instead, key figures, including Michael Gove, were sent in other directions. Had the government taken the report seriously, Gove could have been tasked with replicating his London education reforms in struggling regions like the northeast, East Midlands, Yorkshire, and the south coast, rather than being distracted by housing policy battles.

 

Ultimately, few within the Conservative Party were willing to take on the challenge the report presented. What should have been a roadmap for tackling class-based inequality across Britain was shelved, and the opportunity to transform the country was lost. As Kemi Badenoch aptly put it, “We talked right and governed left.”

 

Based on a report by The Times  2025-04-04

 

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Posted

The OP discusses the failure of the Tory Government to act on the research the Tories commissioned.

 

2 hours ago, Social Media said:

Ultimately, few within the Conservative Party were willing to take on the challenge the report presented. What should have been a roadmap for tackling class-based inequality across Britain was shelved, and the opportunity to transform the country was lost.

 

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Posted
7 hours ago, Social Media said:

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The Missed Opportunity to Truly Level Up Britain

 

Nearly four years have passed since the Sewell report, officially known as the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities report, was published. The goal was never to produce another repetitive and uninspired study claiming Britain was steeped in racism. Instead, it aimed to investigate racial disparities and, more importantly, the root causes behind them. The backdrop to this was the wave of unrest that followed the murder of George Floyd in the United States.

 

The commission, composed mostly of Black and Asian members alongside one white commissioner, Martyn Oliver—now head of Ofsted—examined education, crime, policing, health, and employment using data from the Office for National Statistics and the Race Disparity Unit, established by Theresa May. Fresh research from Oxford University was also commissioned to explore educational disparities.

 

Given how deeply personal and emotionally charged discussions about race are, the commission acknowledged people's lived experiences but focused on what the numbers revealed. The conclusions were explosive, upsetting figures on the left, The Guardian, and even some within the Conservative Party. The report made three main points: racism still exists, race relations have improved significantly over the past 50 years, and the primary drivers of racial disparities are class and geography rather than race itself.

 

 

However, the real controversy stemmed from one uncomfortable truth: the data showed that white low-income communities were experiencing some of the worst outcomes across various metrics. No previous study had confronted this reality so directly, making the report a lightning rod for criticism.

 

The reaction to the report exposed several weaknesses within the government. Instead of embracing its findings as a foundation for change, officials and activist groups sought to undermine it. Critics, including universities and unions, pushed back against the notion that Black and Asian communities had agency over their own progress, falsely accusing the report of dismissing institutional racism altogether.

 

The findings, however, painted a different picture. Ethnic minorities were excelling in education, with Nigerian-origin students progressing the fastest. The reason was clear: stable family structures played a crucial role. Among Caribbean students in the same classrooms, around 67% came from single-parent households, whereas for Indian students, the figure was just 6%. This disparity had little to do with teacher bias and everything to do with family dynamics.

 

Similarly, the report found that white low-income males had the lowest life expectancy in Britain, while African-origin women had the highest. So much for the notion of white privilege. The most challenging places to live and raise children were in predominantly white towns across the north, Midlands, and south coast.

 

Predictably, these conclusions did not align with the narratives promoted by certain activist circles, and as a result, the report has had little impact. However, attitudes have started to shift. Some early critics, such as historian David Olusoga and commentator Ash Sarkar, might be more receptive to its findings today. Sarkar, for instance, has distanced herself from identity politics, acknowledging that it does little to drive material change. Even some Labour peers in the House of Lords have privately admitted that the report was full of common sense—though they would never say so publicly.

 

In hindsight, the report should have served as the blueprint for the government's levelling-up strategy. Instead, key figures, including Michael Gove, were sent in other directions. Had the government taken the report seriously, Gove could have been tasked with replicating his London education reforms in struggling regions like the northeast, East Midlands, Yorkshire, and the south coast, rather than being distracted by housing policy battles.

 

Ultimately, few within the Conservative Party were willing to take on the challenge the report presented. What should have been a roadmap for tackling class-based inequality across Britain was shelved, and the opportunity to transform the country was lost. As Kemi Badenoch aptly put it, “We talked right and governed left.”

 

Based on a report by The Times  2025-04-04

 

news-logo-btm.jpg

 

image.png

Thank you for this detailed report.

The disparity will not stop if Starmer will not act now.

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